Caucasus Crossroads: Historic Animosities Resurface Amidst Ethnic Tensions

Hello and welcome to «Regions Calling» brought to you by The Moscow Times, your comprehensive guide to events taking place outside of the Russian capital.

In this edition, we explore the recent clash between residents of the North Caucasus republics of Ingushetia and North Ossetia-Alania that erupted on a highway along their shared border at the end of last month.

The two republics experienced a short-lived war in 1992 over the control of the Prigorodny district in North Ossetia—a region that was separated from Ingush control following the Soviet deportation in 1944. This conflict led to North Ossetia maintaining dominance over the area and displacing as many as 60,000 ethnic Ingush from the territory.

Decades later, the trauma from the 1992 conflict remains fresh for both the Ingush and Ossetians. Does this latest incident at the border signal impending instability?

Before we delve into this inquiry, let’s review other developments occurring in Russia’s regions:

Motorists in the Russian Far East and the annexed Crimea are facing long lines and gas shortages as fuel prices continue rising nationwide.

Last week, officials in the Kurilsky district of Sakhalin, which includes the Kuril Islands, imposed a temporary ban on selling the popular A-92 fuel due to supply issues. For further insights into the factors contributing to Russia’s fuel crisis and the nation’s preparedness to handle it, consider this op-ed by independent energy analyst Sergei Vakulenko.

In another incident, around 10 tons of fuel oil accidentally spilled into the Black Sea during loading near Novorossiysk in the Krasnodar region. Volunteers from a bird rehabilitation center in the nearby resort town of Anapa reported rescuing 18 birds affected by the mazut, linking their condition to this recent spill. A satellite analysis by Greenpeace indicated that the spill, covering an area of 50 square meters, has nearly reached the shores of Crimea, according to Novaya Gazeta on Wednesday. Meanwhile, volunteers in Anapa are still dealing with the repercussions of the fuel oil spill from December 2024 in the Kerch Strait.

Additionally, emergency services in the Krasnodar region tackled a forest fire caused by a Ukrainian drone crash in woods close to Gelendzhik. The fire ignited on August 28 and expanded over 42 hectares (104 acres) within a day. Initial reports indicated that one of the fire spots was near the residence commonly referred to as «Putin’s Palace,» although the blaze there was extinguished the same day.

Russian authorities have placed prominent Altaian activist Aruna Arna on the federal list of «terrorists and extremists.» Arna leads a significant movement opposing government-backed local governance reforms and the encroachment of Moscow-controlled businesses in the Altai Republic.

In Vladivostok, the Federal Security Service (FSB) inaugurated a monument honoring Felix Dzerzhinsky, the first chief of the Soviet secret police, known for orchestrating the Red Terror.

**Domestic Strife in the Caucasus Highlights a Fragile Status Quo**

On the night of August 24, a violent altercation broke out between two groups near the village of Chermen, which stands at the current border between North Ossetia-Alania and Ingushetia in Russia’s Caucasus region.

The conflict, which had ethnic undertones pitting Ingush against Ossetians, quickly escalated, with dozens joining the fray that obstructed a major Caucasus highway, according to local reports and footage from the scene.

Russian law enforcement and National Guard members dispatched to the area eventually dispersed the crowd.

“This recent clash is undoubtedly the most significant escalation of border tensions seen in some time, but both regional and federal authorities are eager to de-escalate swiftly,” stated North Caucasus expert Harold Chambers.

“The crackdown on civil society in Ingushetia has weakened the capacity of certain leaders who would typically mediate in such situations. Moreover, both republics are facing internal tensions unrelated to ethnic conflict, prompting the Kremlin to prioritize preventing any flare-ups,” Chambers explained to The Moscow Times.

Founded by the Ingush in 1844 and originally named Bazorkino, Chermen lies in North Ossetia’s Prigorodny district, which was taken from the Ingush following the forced deportation ordered by Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin.

During the 1944 Operation Chechevitsa (Lentil), between 450,000 and 650,000 individuals from the Checheno-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic were forcibly transported to Central Asia.

Tragically, nearly one-third of the Chechen and Ingush populations perished during this deportation.

Following the disbandment of the Chechen-Ingush ASSR, its territory was redistributed to adjacent regions, including the present-day republics of Dagestan and North Ossetia.

While Chechens and Ingush were permitted to return to their homeland 13 years later, their republic was never fully reinstated, with the Prigorodny district remaining part of North Ossetia.

In 1992, a brief war erupted between the two republics over territorial control, resulting in the deaths of 192 Ossetians and 409 Ingush, along with the expulsion of up to 60,000 ethnic Ingush from North Ossetia.

Historically significant, Chermen was once a political center for the Ingush and is pivotal in the current dispute, featuring a border checkpoint where a Moscow-controlled police unit inspects travelers crossing the republics’ boundary.

North Ossetian officials defend the need for this checkpoint, established by federal authorities during the 1992 conflict, as essential for anti-terrorism efforts.

However, many Ingush advocate for the dismantling of this border post, which symbolizes their separation from ancestral lands still inhabited by ethnic Ingush today.

In response to the border incident, North Ossetia’s leader, Sergei Menyailo, characterized it as «a domestic dispute» manipulated by social media provocateurs.

Menyailo also proposed limiting entry into the republic in case of future incidents, a suggestion that sparked outrage among many in Ingushetia.

“Authorities tend to minimize such incidents by labeling them as ‘domestic disputes,’” noted Isabella Evloeva, an independent journalist from Ingushetia.

“This makes sense from their perspective, as they aim to prevent escalation, avoid ethnic mobilization, and keep the conflict from taking on an interethnic character that could further destabilize Ossetian-Ingush relations,” Evloeva told The Moscow Times.

However, shortly after the clash, Yury Chaika, the former Justice Minister who now acts as Vladimir Putin’s special envoy in the North Caucasus, made an unexpected visit to Ingushetia.

Evloeva interprets Chaika’s visit as a sign of the authorities’ deep concern, especially regarding elements that could foster a “potential hotbed of destabilization: a blocked federal highway, a mass assembly of individuals, and the involvement of security forces.”

The confrontation in Chermen is not the first instance where the unresolved issues stemming from the Prigorodny conflict have emerged, much to the dismay of the Moscow government, which is preoccupied with its military campaign in Ukraine.

Almost a year ago, speculations that North Ossetian officials intended to alter the shared border in order to annex portions of Ingushetia’s Dzheyrakhsky district pushed the region to the brink of widespread unrest.

Currently, analysts and commentators present differing views on the potential longevity and real implications of this latest incident.

“I doubt this situation will escalate into a prolonged conflict. Border flare-ups occur periodically, with tensions typically easing within a week or so after minor incidents,” said analyst Chambers to The Moscow Times. “So far, I don’t see any indicators suggesting that the situation will spiral out of control this time.”

Conversely, journalist Evloeva cautions that while this incident does not mark the onset of a new escalation in the age-old conflict, it indeed serves as “a reminder of how delicate the present status quo is.”

“Central to this conflict is the unresolved status of the Prigorodny district and the collective trauma from 1992, which continues to resurface at pivotal moments. That’s why the authorities prefer to downplay the ethnic aspect of these events, referring to them publicly as ‘domestic disputes,’” Evloeva explained.

This week, residents of Beslan in North Ossetia commemorated the victims of the 2004 terrorist siege of a local school, which ranks among the deadliest attacks in Russian history.

On September 1, 2004, coinciding with the start of the new school year in Russia, armed terrorists took over 1,100 hostages at School No. 1, demanding the withdrawal of Russian forces from Chechnya and the recognition of Chechen independence.

Hostages were confined within the school’s gymnasium, rigged with explosives, and deprived of food, water, and sanitary facilities for three days. The crisis culminated on September 3, with a series of explosions triggering chaos and prompting an assault by Russian special forces.

The siege ultimately ended with over 330 civilian fatalities, including 186 children, and more than 700 injuries.